Baird's CMC -- Blog

This is indeed a very sad day. I heard this morning from former Zimbabwe Tobacco Association (ZTA) President Richard Tate that that his successor, Kobus Joubert had died; I am told Kobus was shot and killed on his farm on Monday night (October 25, 2010). Information is still sketchy: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/zimbabwe/8088557/Top-Zimbabwe-farmer-murdered.html

Kobus was an Afrikaner in the ZTA leadership who spoke fluent Shona and though he had an arm and hand withered by polio, it never stopped him from being a practical and successful farmer. He was also a formidable servant leader and man of faith.

I worked closely with him in Zimbabwe on land reform, in the late nineties. Kobus was a great man, for whom I have the greatest respect. He ran a programme that created something like 9,000 successful black small scale tobacco farmers in three years, without government help and with only the resources of the farmers themselves and the ZTA at his disposal. These small scale farmers have mostly probably also by now lost everything, because they depended on the big commercial farmers to help them farm profitably.

Kobus never lost his commitment to Zimbabwe and its people. He was a genuine human being and he had real courage.

When in the early years of the land grab he realized that there would be almost no maize crop because the big maize farmers had been kicked off their farms, he planted maize instead of tobacco and told the locals that they could come and harvest maize from his farm, to stay alive over the winter. When his farm was eventually seized illegally, he refused to go away and simply lived with his loyal and courageous wife Mariane in a caravan on the side of the gravel road at the entrance to his farm. Eventually last year, the Mugabe politicians returned his farm to him. Some say, mostly due to pressure from locals in his district.

When I think back to the agricultural Zimbabwe built by people like Richard and Kobus and all the other impressive people I had met over the years and when I remember the wonderful development and upliftment work they had done with their own farmer resources and no government help, I become inconsolably depressed about the nature of mankind.

And beyond sadness, I am once more angry about the destruction of good by the evil of people who live among us.

This killing is about more than wasting a good man’s life, it is in truth about destroying the goodness of life itself for an entire nation. All Zimbabweans will in time rue the day that Kobus died, because he represented so much opportunity and had done so much good. His death is another triumph for evil in Zimbabwe.

My prayer is that Mariane and his children receive grace and courage to cope with their terrible loss.

The Reverend Canon Andrew White is the winner of the Civil Courage Prize for 2010. The prize is awarded every year by the Train Foundation for "Steadfast Resistance to Evil at Great Personal Risk".

Canon White is the "Vicar of Baghdad", the rector of St George's Church in Baghdad, an ecumenical church and the last remaining Anglican church in Iraq. The Train Foundation made an excellent choice in this man who is a key participant in the peace process, having helped to broker the historic Baghdad Peace Accord in 2004, who still operates medical and dental clinics, and who has worked in more than a 100 cases as a mediator to secure the release of kidnap victims. Canon White not only exposes himself to immense personal danger through all of these activities, but manages to continue his work load while himself suffering from multiple sclerosis. Courage is in my view an inadequate term with which to describe Canon White. Not only his courage, but also that of his wife and children.

At the prize giving ceremony in New York he made a moving and insightful speech in which he explained the requirements for making peace; of which his simple prescription to eat together - to prepare food for each other, was most unexpected and underlined his human (not humanistic - he was clear about the need for faith) approach to the great affairs of war and peace in a troubled land. How many pontificators in the capitals of the world would not benefit from sitting quietly at the table with this great man and learning from him? They should chew and allow him to talk.

Unexpectedly, for a cleric and in these times, Canon White also had much good to say about the role and conduct of the United States military forces in Iraq.

A wonderful moment in the speech was when he asked a young man to stand up. This young man was the first ever kidnap victim for whom Canon White mediated in Iraq. The good reverend had not seen the youngster again after his release, until the night of the prize giving in New York!

The prize giving left the audience with much to ponder, not least the matter of how we ourselves confront evil. As for Canon White; he has answered the question unequivocally.

The shelves in the government goody store are about to become a lot more bare. How will the kids cope?

Those of us who try to change policy are a bit like a group of children at the sweet shop. We look at the shelves, pester our parents for money, try to do deals with our friends to maximise our purchasing power or, more often, to stop the parents noticing how much we're planning to stuff into our mouths. Some of us are cleverer at it than others: last week, I saw a little girl of about four argue that depriving her of a tube of fruit pastilles would lead to low blood sugar and "I'll do badly at school." I was filled with admiration.


For all the pleading, threats and negotiation, the sweet shop has been quite a comforting place. The shelves are full, the parents have the cash, dinner will always be there however unappetising it seems after four bars of chocolate. An older lady in the village told me about rationing after the Second World War: children spent hours calculating what they could buy with their coupons. There were loopholes: Ovaltine tablets were considered supplements and some dried fruits were off ration. Saturday morning at the cinema was an intensively sugary time but food in general was still scarce and some of the sweets had to be set aside because the kids felt hungry during the week.


I wonder if we're ready for rationing in the government sweet shop. It's not just that the sweeties may be in short supply or that the parents might need their money to pay the mortgage. Even the big boys and the bully girls might have trouble getting their hands on enough cash for snacks and we know what that means: they'll steal whatever rations we have managed to get for ourselves.


I've worked for the frightening, big kids just enough to know what a mugging looks like. Try to get farmers to stop living on hand-outs or the defence industry to give up its $1000 toilet seats and you'll find out how a five year old feels when the big girl has taken the chocolate bar and downed it in two mouthfuls. Try to make the financiers pay tax or the doctors spend less time on the golf course and you'll find out what it feels like to be dragged off your bike and told not to try to get the bike back if you know what's good for you.


Most of the time, I work for the little kids with geeky glasses, sensible shoes and supermarket gym kit: emerging economy governments, development, environment, peace keeping, international health. Now that the fiscal stimulus in Europe has done an emergency stop, are they guaranteed to get a kicking? Probably, but there are a few good lessons from the playground that we -- the geeky kids -- might do well to learn.

• Make friends with the kids who can fight. Wimpy friends will be too busy protecting themselves; look for a couple of the girls who play rugby or the boys who know the dealers. Make sure you have their mobile numbers. How does this relate to defending development assistance budgets? I can sum it up in an acronym: PEPFAR. Under the Bush administration, a very odd coalition of some radical AIDS activists and moderate evangelicals formed an alliance. The economy was booming but poor Africans were low on the agenda of an administration run by Halliburton and General Dynamics. In Karl Rove's eyes, the evangelicals were the kids on the football team and the AIDS activists were the ones who deserved a kicking. Working together the jocks and the wimps got the biggest programme in the history of international assistance for health in Africa -- The President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief. The evangelicals accepted an openly gay man running the programme in return for some commitments on promoting sexual abstinence outside marriage, discouraging prostitution and encouraging monogamy. The activists held their noses and kept quiet about HIV in communities of men who have sex with men. The cash flowed. When Barack Obama was elected, there were encouraging signs that he would cultivate the unlikely coalition although the roles were reversed and the activists had to protect the evangelicals. Within 48 hours of Hillary Clinton taking over as Secretary of State, Mark Dybul (the gay man who ran PEPFAR and whose inauguration had been attended by Laura Bush and his male partner) was fired. Soon the programme had been rewritten to become impeccably PC and linked to a broader effort to fund global health. Predictably, the funding has almost dried up. To read an example of how the new big boys turned on the new wimps, read this impeccably PC piece on "Misogyny Kills" http://thenewagenda.net/2009/01/23/misogyny-kills-rick-warren-mark-dybul-and-aids-part-three. Hundreds of thousands may die as a result.
• Tell the grown ups about the bad boys being nice to you - it's what you can do for them. If a mining company expends political capital getting an environmental programme funded or a right-wing think tank argues for more spending on gender equality, thank them very publicly. Greenpeace are -- despite their stunts and shouting -- very clever at this. Recently the largest Canadian forestry trade group including Kimberly-Clark, the world's largest manufacturer of tissues, agreed a moratorium on logging in 29 million hectares of boreal forests in Canada. Greenpeace tamed its triumphalism and allowed the logging industry to present it as a truce to allow planning on sustainable harvesting. Now the loggers can tell their shareholders that they got something for the deal other than an end to bad publicity. Predictably the radical Greens went ballistic -- http://www.pacificfreepress.com/news/1/6261-greenpeace-partners-with-industry-logging-canadian-boreal-forests.html. That just made forestry industry even more grateful.
• Help your new big friends with their homework -- you're the geek, they're the muscle. The arms industry, the pharma companies and the bankers are hopelessly inept at dealing with civil society or pretty much anyone who doesn't work in their own inner circle. If they're nice to you, don't exploit their incompetence. Help them. I can't begin to tell you how often I've seen UN organisations, big universities or big NGOs milk corporate sponsors for cash and deliver, in return, a few press releases and some meaningless seminar. The people who run many industries may be socially inept but they're not stupid. In time they realise that they are getting nothing in return and retire to count their losses.
• Practise occasional ruthlessness. I very rarely hit anybody when I was in school but when I did, I hit them hard. It meant that I only had to get in a fight every few years and that I never got into trouble: the teachers assumed that I was the victim. Don't rage, don't issue frequent hostile press releases and don't encourage a few dozen supporters to sign silly petitions condemning companies or governments. Wait until an opponent is vulnerable and then hit them very hard in the press or in parliament. It will encourage others to pick on easier targets in future. Trafigura has to be one of the world's least attractive corporations. They have been involved in propping up Saddam Hussein, buying oil so dirty that no other company would touch it and dumping toxic waste in Africa. They minimised reporting of their behaviour through a sustained campaign of legal action against any NGO or news organisation unwise enough to cover them. One day, their lawyers went too far, securing an injunction that attempted to prevent reporting of a UK parliament debate on their misdeeds. The journalists who had been gagged for years pounced. Here is The Independent's report on some of what has happened since http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/caroline-lucas-i-will-keep-the-spotlight-on-trafigura-1985108.html. Senior managers are on trial in The Netherlands and the company is at least £30 million poorer. Trafigura's lawyers are reported to be rather short of new corporate business.
• Don't get distracted by the by-standers: lots of kids will be shouting and screaming and, no matter how much the crowd sympathise, they won't get their sweets back. It's easy to get Le Monde or The Huffington Post to express outrage and almost as easy to get liberal bloggers and Tweeters to kick-start electronic traffic. In good times, this can work. Years ago, we were arguing that a new type of very expensive dressing should be made available on the British National Health Service to people with chronic leg ulcers. About a month after the campaign started, I was called by a very irritated civil servant: the minister had summoned him in and asked how much it would cost. "About £50 million," the civil servant said. "Fine. Just give it to them," replied the minister. "I can't take another old lady telling me about the revolting details of her seeping leg." The civil servant was calling to ask how to negotiate the rapid end of the campaign. In hard times, ministers find it easier to put up with old ladies than their colleagues in the finance ministries. If you can show a real political cost in a constituency they need, you might just get the money; if all you have is the ability to hassle, you will go away empty handed.

Portugal is poised for a general strike to protest the austerity measures. Athens is cleaning up. British civil servants have been told that they can't travel first class on the railways even if they use their own money to upgrade because it would send the wrong message. Across Europe (with the perennial exception of France), we are entering an age of austerity. 

So far, the British are saying that international development will be insulated from any cuts. The Scandinavians are singing roughly the same tune but the mainstream Conservative Dutch opposition (who may well be at the core of the next government after the election in two weeks) want to halve  overseas development assistance (ODA) to about 0.4% of GDP. As usual, the Dutch may be the trendsetters.

The international development community, meanwhile, seems not to have noticed that the world has changed. Business class lounges still resound with earnest conversations about poverty reduction. Look at the website for next month's Women Deliver conference and you'll see, "the world's women and the world entirely, need courageous leadership and vast funding commitments." The themes of international travel and wanting more money came together in a Global Fund statement last week:  "given that many important forums are scheduled to take place at national and international level which will shape the MDG agenda for 2010- 2015, Ministers of Health and the co-hosting partners agreed to join forces to advocate for increased political and financial support for the health related MDGs." Search for the word "austerity" on the GAVI vaccine web site and there are two results: one in a 2008 plan for Laos and another in a plan for Guyana. Search for "austerity" on the site of Bono's One Campaign and the site will ask you to "make sure all words are spelled correctly" because it can't find anything.

Confronted with evidence that behaviour change communication (bcc) does nothing much to stop the AIDS epidemic in women in the developing world, blogger Gillian Fletcher attacked "the empiricist paradigm" and said that bcc enabled women, " to consider other ways of being". That's alright then. 

The prevailing view seems to be that Europeans, Australians and Americans will watch as their hospitals close and their public services shrink but the business of international development will keep booming. This would be a dangerous delusion at any time but it's positively psychotic at a time when Dambisa Moyo is seemingly on every news channel talking about aid blighting Africa and William Easterly's Aid Watch blog is being added to the must-read lists of more and more journalists. 

If international development is to survive the double dip, it will need a narrative about help in a time of shortages. Some of it will be the silly trite stuff that every government and fundraising NGO has to say: waste will be cut, efficiencies will be found, paper will be recycled, everyone will wear secondhand underwear. Some of it, though, needs to be serious thinking about priorities and acting on evidence. Behaviour change communication doesn't work; we'll stop it. Corruption is undermining aid efficacy in Kenya; the aid will go somewhere else. Malawi would rather spend its time fretting about the evils of sodomy than addressing its people's poverty; fine, let them but they can fret on their own dime. 

Developing the narrative will be painful and controversial but if the international development community doesn't do it, the money will disappear. Businesses, unions, interest groups, pensioners' alliances and hundreds of others are working flat out to ringfence their spending through new initiatives to show that they are ready to be lean, mean and keen. Sadly, back in the business class lounge, they are just drafting another communique on how massive the extra resources need to be.

Thanks to the BBC we may know a bit about the Republican game plan for dealing with the fall-out from New Orleans. Shawn Steel, past president of the California Republican Party and a trusted Bush operative, was on Radio Five Live last night. He probably laid out more of the response than domestic Republican spokespeople are doing at the moment. As an exercise in communications, it was bold but predictable. Here are the key points.

• The victims are to blame. Nearly all had access to cars but they took a calculated risk and decided to stay. There’s nothing wrong with taking risks, he seemed to say, but people shouldn’t start crying when their risk-taking goes wrong.
• New Orleans is to blame. “The murder rate is ten times higher than the average for US cities” so a uniquely awful criminal underclass was ready to take advantage of the disaster in ways which would be unthinkable elsewhere. Besides which, the City Council is legendary for corruption. They chose not to reinforce the flood defences. There was no direct criticism of the mayor but many suggestions that he headed a deeply corrupt organisation.
• Alabama and Mississippi were also hard hit but did a much better job of recovering, illustrating that the state governments there (run by Republicans) coped better than that in Louisiana (with a Democratic governor)
• The Federalist system of the US meant that the US Government could not step in until the Governor asked and in Louisiana she never did.

Don’t expect to see the full force of these arguments in the US while there are pictures on TV of the corpses of dead old ladies still in their wheelchairs: effective propagandists know that it is much easier to change recollections of history than perceptions of the present, especially when those perceptions have taken such a strong hold. In a month or so this will, though, undoubtedly be the approved White House version of what happened during and after the hurricane.

It seems unlikely that the White House will get away with this but who would ever have imagined they could escape so lightly from the analyses of what happened in the run-up to the attack on Iraq?

“It doesn’t feel like my country anymore” one participant told me after a recent meeting in California. It’s a common sentiment amongst the liberal élite on the East and West coasts. So many enquired about Canadian citizenship after the last presidential election that one Canadian government website crashed. Even Republicans in New York and California are worried that it’s not just about lower taxes and a more pro-corporate foreign policy any longer. The élite think by shouting louder or producing a bit more data in the opinion-leading press that the rest of the country will come back to its senses. In fact, America is probably entering one of those periods where populist opinion dominates. Many of those who love democracy in the abstract may be a bit less keen on this manifestation of it.

When I was at university in Alabama almost thirty years ago (before you ask, it’s a long story about how a British 20 year-old ended up with a degree from Troy, Alabama), the crowd would erupt at the local discotheque every time they played the Charlie Daniels Band singing “be proud you’re a rebel, the South’s gonna do it again”. It seemed unlikely then. Jimmy Carter was in the White House but he was there despite being a Southerner not because he was one: he was one of the few white politicians who had not been tainted by collaboration with the segregationists. Southern Republicans were still a rare breed (the very odd Jeremiah Denton was only allowed to run for the US Senate from Alabama because he seemed so unlikely to win; when he actually did, one state Republican leader turned to a colleague and asked “my God, what have we done”). George Wallace was still the governor (and would be – on and off – for another decade) but the Dixiecrat wave looked like the end of something rather than a start.

Today the values of the South have become the values of most of the Red States (those that the TV networks colour red every time the Republicans carry them). Almost half of Americans say they accept the Biblical account of creation but only about a third accept evolution. Many more Americans describe themselves as “conservative” than anything else. The levels of church membership and attendance nationwide are higher than they were in the last century.

From New York or San Francisco, it’s easy to caricature these views. Closer evaluation of what evangelicals and, even more, Catholics think shows a wide range of views. The Pew Forum recently invited Rick Warren, Senior Pastor and Founder of the Saddleback Church in Orange County, California to a forum for journalists. Saddleback is one of the 20,000 member mega churches that so terrify dinner parties from Baltimore to Seattle. Warren said, “There is a difference between ‘evangelicalism’ and ‘fundamentalism’ and ‘the religious right.” And people use them like they are synonyms. They are not – they are very, very different. I am an evangelical. I'm not a member of the religious right and I'm not a fundamentalist.” He also predicted a third great religious awakening in America (I really commend the whole talk to anyone interested in the influence of faith on American politics and life: http://pewforum.org/events/index.php?EventID=80). Jim Wallis and the Sojourners movement show what left-wing evangelicals sound like and many who are not so left wing have built on his ideas that evangelicals should care about issues such as il health and poverty. The very noisy evangelical anti-war movement recently upset a carefully staged speech by President Bush to the previously-conservative Calvin College.

Warren’s most astonishing comment was an acknowledgement of the class basis of the new American politics. “In fact, if I were building a political majority in this country, I'd start sort of where Gary Bauer is substantively. I'd take socially conservative and economically liberal, and I think that's a lower-middle-class majority in the making, which is the opposite of what you hear, that a party should be fiscally conservative and socially liberal. I think that's not the way to build a majority.” Of course, this was exactly what the Dixiecrats did – spend on the needs of poor whites whilst relying on fear of change to avoid the kind of real social and economic change which the progressives had threatened in the 1890s.

For those who think that this will all pass soon, Warren has a fascinating note on demographics, “one of my favorite statistics from this last election was that George Bush carried 22 of the 23 states with the highest white fertility rates and John Kerry carried the 17 states with the lowest fertility rates. And that's really not about fertility; that's about church attendance. People who attend church have more babies than people who don't.”

If this new majority is here to stay, all of us will have to think about how to influence them. A recent poll from a different arm of the multi-tentacled Pew centres suggests that very few conservatives believe anything they see on television or read in mainstream media (only 24% of conservatives even believe the very right-wing Fox News). The left-wing evangelicals are just as sceptical albeit for different reasons.

There are two keys to reaching the new majority. The first focuses on networks – traditional and new media. The influence of churches and affinity groups is enormous and amplified by new media opportunities from blogs and podcasts to, relatively, old-fashioned chatrooms. I’m not convinced that the new majority think that right-wing talkradio is any more reliable than Fox or CNN but they do believe people they have established relationships with whether in house groups or on electronic forums.

None of the “how to” matters if the vocabulary isn’t right. For many years, the language of policy has been the language of the coastal élites. To win over the new majority, it needs to be the language of church and community.

This may, of course, all be an elaborate justification for why I made the right decision by going to Troy University instead of taking up my place at Oxford but it might just be the Charlie Daniels prophecy coming true.

If you believe the opinion polls, George Bush is more unpopular than any president since polling started: he has a lower approval rating than John F. Kennedy just after the Bay of Pigs; lower than Lyndon Johnson at the nadir of the Vietnam war; lower than Jimmy Carter after a year of captivity for the US hostages in Iran; lower even than Richard Nixon on the eve of his resignation. Admittedly the others may have had great accomplishments that reinforced their positive ratings – JFK had Camelot, LBJ had the Civil Rights Act, Nixon had peace in Vietnam and the opening to China; Carter had his evident decency and honesty (and was the first Southerner to hold the White House since the Civil War which made a chunk of the Old South loathe to turn on him). Admittedly, Iraq has been a disaster and the half-truths which led to war are looking more and more like quarter-truths by the week. But is Bush really that disliked?

A part of the truth is probably that all of us have become more and more sophisticated about how we deal with market researchers of all kinds and especially about how we send messages through political pollsters. Even in the late 70s, when Carter was in the White House, people were much more naïve: if someone in a shopping mall (remember telephone samples were still seen as a bit unreliable) asked if you approved of the President’s performance, you were more inclined to weigh things and say whether on balance you really did or did not. Today, the respondents know what the headlines will look like. They know that only a 1,000 people are being questioned and that their answer will help send a message which will be on CNN and Fox News within 24 hours.

Bill Clinton was not the most popular president in recent history in the week where his adultery became common knowledge: it was just that, on balance, people did not want him to resign. Poll respondents were sophisticated enough to know that “approve” would mean a rejection of the calls for impeachment; “disapprove” would egg on Kenneth Starr and the Republicans in the Senate. George W. Bush is not the most unpopular president ever: the respondents know that “disapprove” ratches up the pressure for a quick end to the Iraqi adventure and discourages any other neo-con initiatives. It does not necessarily mean that most would even vote Democrat (as other polls show).

The same phenomenon is true in other countries. The Pew Research Center for People and the Press recently reported growing hostility towards America and growing approval ratings for Osama Bin Laden in some Moslem countries. Quite apart from serious methodological problems in the research, the analysis was misleading. The standardised polling questions did not ask about the invasion of Iraq or American threats to Iran. Even in Pakistan and the Middle East, respondents know that admitting to some admiration for Osama is a way of expressing opposition to the war in Iraq and to US policy in the Middle East.

In the commercial world, the analysis of market research data still ignores this inclination of respondents to use research to send messages. What ever I really think of mango-flavoured yoghourt, I may well claim to detest it if I think that admitting to be willing to try it will reduce the shelf space allocated to the flavours I like at the moment.

The 27th of July provided the starkest contrast imaginable between the French tradition of rationality and the Anglo Saxon one of putting together a few random bits of information and hoping a pattern emerges.

Le Monde carried a masterful editorial on Living With Terror. Ten closely-reasoned sub-points argued that “Islamic terrorism” (as I suppose we must get used to calling it) was:

• here to stay
• had no single cause
• could not be reduced to being the direct consequence of any single, long-standing regional conflict (although many fed volunteers to terrorist groups)

The editorial went on to say that:

• the US / British invasion of Iraq has, as many Europeans said it would, exacerbated tension and found limitless volunteers for radical groups
• Westerners do not hold all the keys to the solution: we desperately need progressive and reformist forces in the Islamic world to lead
• the struggle against Islamic terror is not a “war”: in wars, one side wins and there is a surrender or a negotiated cessation. That will not happen here: “Al Qaida” is more a brand than an organisation
• the hatred that drives the terrorism may be more of a European issue than an American one; it has been nurtured in communities in Europe where we have failed to make the ideas of Western democracy alive or appealing enough

Le Monde concluded with two suggestions:

• Pakistan is the epicentre of this terrorist movement. Overall American policy to Pakistan is inexplicable but its failure to target extremism there may be the most serious American foreign policy error.
• what the terrorists group want is for us to abandon our values and to resort to torture, internment and sanctioned state-killing. A first step to this “barbarisation” of our society would be abandoning habeus corpus and other traditional liberties.

I haven’t done justice to this exceptionally lucid and compelling piece of writing. Look at the original in the Le Monde archives for the 27th of July (http://www.lemonde.fr/web/recherche/0,13-0,1-0,0.html)

On the same day, the lead editorial in The International Herald Tribune, also published in Paris, was on Zimbabwe. Its leader writers had noticed that the UN report critical of slum clearance in Zimbabwe had been written by a woman. It showed, said the IHT, that she was “not one of the boys”. “Maybe that’s why she did not mince her words about the horrors ... that Africa’s male establishment seems so afraid to talk about.” This was it, the whole of the point. She was a woman; she had been critical; some men had not; ergo the problem in Africa is a male establishment sticking up for a male president. Presumably simple ignorance meant that the leader writers did not know that Mugabe’s designated successor (and an enthusiastic advocate of slum clearance) is a woman. Or maybe it was just a fact that didn’t support the conclusion. (See if I'm being unfair to them at www.iht.com)

You can see the common pattern in Anglo thinking. The people who blew up the World Trade Centre were Arabs who didn’t like America; Saddam Hussein is an Arab who doesn’t like America; ergo Saddam must be responsible for 9/11.

Maybe we should leave any serious thinking up to the French.